Do you think President Trump is good for Israel? Do you think his
recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel was a good thing?
To my surprise, when I've asked these questions over the last few weeks,
many supporters of Israel—even many attending the big AIPAC Israel
love-fest in Washington—answered equivocally.
On the Jerusalem question, many Democrats answered to the effect of, "Well,
I don't know—the timing wasn't great." I got this answer about "timing" so
often, it felt scripted. I started asking a follow-on: "How would you have
felt if Barack Obama had recognized Jerusalem?" Then the answer was
always something like, "Well, I would have felt a lot better."
It's no wonder: Feelings exert a major influence on people's political
opinions. How we feel about a politician—our gut reaction to him
or her—heavily affects our evaluation of that politician, regardless of the politician's actual deeds.
In Trump's case, this is bad news for Israel. Let's face it: For many Jews,
no doubt most American Jews, President Obama was a prince—articulate, spoke inspiringly, well educated, intellectual, thoughtful, a
humanist who seemed genuinely to care. Trump is quite different—many find him loutish, undisciplined,
inarticulate, inconstant, careless about facts, impetuous—which makes him
easy for many to disrespect, even hate.
Yet President Obama committed one of the most egregious betrayals ever
against Israel, when the U.S. failed for the first time to veto a
blatantly anti-Israel United Nations Security Council resolution.
Resolution 2334 passed on December 23, 2016, disavowing Israeli sovereignty
over much of Jerusalem, including the Jewish quarter and the Western Wall.
Many Jewish Democrats who loved Mr. Obama still have difficulty condemning
him for this treachery.
However, should the Trump administration issue terms of a peace deal in the
coming weeks that calls for Israel to divide Jerusalem or relinquish all rights to Judea and Samaria, we
will oppose him fiercely. We don't play partisan political games when it
comes to supporting the Jewish state.
We recommend that you, too, set aside emotional responses to your party or
candidate of choice when it comes to Israel. Always support politicians who support Israel—whenever they support
Israel, no matter how much you "like" them or not. In other words, we
always like them when they support Israel.
As usual, Glick pulls no punches. She clarifies why President Trump's
refusal to indulge the politically and morally bankrupt Palestinian
Authority—unlike so many administrations before—is the best possible strategy for achieving peace.
I hope you'll forward this article to friends, family and fellow
congregants to help them understand why we should support President Trump's Jerusalem policy and why the firing of
Tillerson is a net gain for Israel.
hope you'll also quickly review the P.S. immediately below, which
describes FLAME's latest hasbarah campaign—exposing Palestinian lies
intended to dispossess Israel of its rights to a state in the Holy
Land. I hope you agree with and will support this message.
Firing Tillerson removed an obstacle to peace
By Caroline Glick, Breitbart.com, March 16, 2018
As Secretary of State Rex Tillerson was being fired on Tuesday,
his central assumptions about the Palestinian conflict with Israel, which
are shared by the entire Washington foreign policy establishment, literally
blew up in Gaza.
On Tuesday morning, Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah's
convoy was attacked by a roadside bomb during an official visit in
Hamdallah was in Gaza to inaugurate a wastewater treatment facility
sponsored by the World Bank. The facility was approved 14 years ago, but
infighting between Hamas, which runs Gaza, and Fatah, the PLO ruling
faction which controls the Palestinian Authority (PA), blocked its
operation time after time.
The shuttered water treatment facility in northern Gaza has long been a
monument to the Palestinian leadership's incompetence and indifference to
the plight of the people it is supposed to be serving. As the plant
gathered dust, Gaza plunged deeper and deeper into a water crisis.
As the Times of Israel reported, Gaza has two water problems:
insufficient ground water, and massive pollution of the existing supply due
to the absence of sufficient sewage treatment facilities.
Untreated sewage is dumped directly into the Mediterranean Sea, and then
seeps back into Gaza's groundwater.
Gaza's polluted acquifiers only produce a quarter of its water needs, and
due to insufficient water treatment facilities, 97 percent of Gaza's
natural water sources are unsafe for human consumption.
Hamdallah's visit to Hamas-controlled Gaza was supposed to show that the
Fatah-Hamas unity deal Egypt brokered between the two terror groups last
year was finally enabling them to solve Gaza's humanitarian needs.
And then Hamdallah's convoy was bombed, and the whole charade of
Palestinian governing competence and responsibility was put to rest.
Later in the day, the White House held a Middle East summit that
demonstrated Tillerson's basic assumptions have the problems of the Middle
East precisely backwards.
Under the leadership of Jared Kushner, President Donald Trump's
son-in-law, along with Jason Greenblatt, Trump's senior negotiator, Israeli
officials sat in the White House for the first time with Arab officials
from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Oman, and Qatar.
Representatives from Egypt and Jordan, with which Israel enjoys open
diplomatic relations, were also in attendance. Canadian and European
officials participated as well.
Although they were invited, the Palestinians chose to boycott the
conference. Their boycott was telling. The PA claimed it was boycotting the
conference in retaliation for America's recognition of Jerusalem as
Israel's capital and President Trump's plan to move the U.S. embassy from
Tel Aviv to Jerusalem on Israel's 70th Independence Day in May.
But anger over Jerusalem doesn't justify the snub. The purpose of the
summit wasn't to reach "the ultimate deal." The summit was called to
formulate the means to contend with the humanitarian crises emanating from
Hamas-controlled Gaza. The Palestinians boycotted a summit whose sole
purpose was to help them.
As Palestinian commentator Bassam Tawil noted, the PA's boycott while
appalling, was unsurprising.
The White House summit was a threat to both rival Palestinian factions. It
showed that the Trump administration, which both Fatah and Hamas hate
passionately, cares more about the Palestinians than they do.
The humanitarian crisis in Gaza is entirely the product of Hamas
and Fatah actions. In an op-ed in the Washington Post last week, Greenblatt
laid the blame on Hamas. "Hamas's utter failure to fulfill any of the most
basic functions of governance has brought Gaza to the brink of collapse,
which has necessitated the response of the international community."
Fatah, Tawil noted, is just as responsible. The Fatah-controlled PA has
used the Palestinians of Gaza as a pawn in its power struggle against
Hamas. Rather than work to decontaminate Gaza's water supply and provide
for the basic needs of the population, for the past year the PA has imposed
economic sanctions on the Gaza Strip.
Ostensibly imposed to induce the population of Gaza to rise up against
Hamas, they have simply served to increase the misery of the residents of
Gaza. Hamas's power remains unchallenged as Qatar, Turkey, and Iran shower
the terror group with cash and arms.
As Tawil noted, Hamas and Fatah are willing to fight one another until the
last Palestinian in Gaza.
The conference showed that the attack on Hamdallah's convoy was not a freak
episode. The bombing was emblematic of the Fatah-Hamas leadership's
obsession with their own power, to the detriment of the people they claim
The events in Gaza and the White House on Tuesday
tell us two important things.
First, they reveal that the primary obstacle to both peace and regional
stability in the Middle East is the Palestinian leadership—both from Fatah
Not only did the PA refuse to participate in a summit dedicated solely to
helping the Palestinians, but also the very day the summit took place,
PA-controlled Voice of Palestine Radio reported that the PA intends to file
a complaint against President Trump at the International Criminal Court.
Trump's recognition of Jerusalem, the PA insists, "violated all
international laws and resolutions."
The report also said the PA intends to sue Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu and Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman for "crimes against the
Tuesday's second lesson is that while the PA is the primary obstacle to
peace and regional stability, it is easily surmountable.
Tuesday's conference was a diplomatic triumph for the Trump administration.
For the first time, official representatives of five Arab states that have
no diplomatic relations with Israel sat publicly in the White House with
Israeli officials. They were brought together due to their common concern
for the Palestinians in Gaza, and for the instability that the plight of
the Palestinians in Hamas-controlled Gaza might encourage.
Although it is still unknown whether anything discussed
at the conference will turn into concrete improvements on the ground, the
summit itself was a concrete achievement. It showed that the Arabs are
willing publicly to bypass the Palestinians to work with Israel. The fact
that the conference was devoted to helping the Palestinians served to
transform the PA from the critical partner in any peace deal to an
And that brings us to Tillerson, and the foreign policy establishment whose
positions he channeled.
During his 14 months in office, Tillerson insisted on maintaining the
establishment's view that the Fatah-controlled PA is the be-all-and-end-all
of Middle East peace efforts. The view that there can be no Arab-Israeli
peace without the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) compelled
successive U.S. administrations to continue to embrace it despite its
support for terrorism, and despite its refusal to accept or even respond to
any offer of peace by either Israel or the U.S.
The belief that there can be no peace without Fatah convinced successive
American administrations to pour billions of dollars in aid money down the
black hole of PA treasury accounts. Since the Israeli-PLO peace process
began in 1993, the Palestinians have received more international aid per
capita than any nation on earth has received in world history. And all they
produced are an impoverished, sewage-filled terror state in Gaza, and a
jihadist hub in Judea and Samaria that would explode in violence if Israel
did not control security.
The view that the U.S. needs the PLO and its PA to achieve peace gave the
Palestinian leadership an effective veto over every U.S. policy towards
Israel and towards the peace process.
Trump's decision to recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital
and move the embassy to Jerusalem was the first time any American leader
since Bill Clinton had dared to reject the Palestinian veto on US Middle
Tillerson supported maintaining the PA's veto. As a result, he all but
openly opposed Trump's decision.
So too, last June, in a bid to protect U.S. funding to the PA—despite the
fact that fully 7 percent of its donor-funded budget is used to pay
salaries to terrorists in Israeli prisons and their families—Tillerson
falsely told the Senate Foreign Relations committee that the PA had agreed
to end the payments. After the Palestinians themselves denied his
statement, he only partially walked it back. The next day, he told the
House Foreign Affairs Committee that the U.S. was in "active discussions"
with the Palestinians regarding halting the payments.
In the event, the PA raised its payments to terrorists in 2017 to $403
million. In 2016, the PA spent $347 million to pay salaries to terrorist
murderers and their families.
In other words, Tillerson is so committed to the view that there can be no
peace without the PA, that he willingly misled U.S. lawmakers.
Trump administration officials keep insisting that they are almost ready to
present their peace plan for the Palestinians and Israel. But whatever the
plan may entail, the steps the White House has already taken-Tuesday's
summit, Trump's move on Jerusalem, and his determination to sign the Taylor
Force Act to end U.S. support for the PA if it maintains its payments to
terrorists-have already advanced the cause of peace more than any American
peace proposal ever has and likely ever will.
Those moves removed the principle blockage to all peace deals
-namely, the Palestinian leadership from Fatah and Hamas alike. By
bypassing the PA, the White House has focused its efforts on expanding the
already burgeoning bilateral ties between Israel and the Arab states. It
has encouraged the expansion of cooperation between these regional actors.
That cooperation is the key to diminishing Iranian power in the region;
defeating Sunni jihadists from the Muslim Brotherhood and its spinoffs; and
to improving the lives and prospects for peace of Palestinians, Israelis
and all the nations of the region.
Tillerson opposed all of these actions. Like the foreign policy
establishment he represented, Tillerson refused to abandon the false belief
that nothing can be done without PLO approval. By removing him from office,
President Trump took yet another step towards advancing prospects for peace
in the Middle East.