October 24, 2017
Hamas and Fatah Try Reconciliation . . . Again. Why It's a Futile Dream
Dear Friend of FLAME:
Pity poor Mahmoud Abbas—skewered on the prongs of the Palestinian dilemma.
Since Abbas doesn't rule over 40% of the Palestinians—namely the 1.8
million people in Gaza who currently suffer under the terrorist dictatorship of Hamas—how can the Americans and Israelis
regard him as a serious peace partner?
Yet if Abbas makes peace with Hamas—as he's been trying to do over the past
month—he's saddled with a huge Islamist army he doesn't control,
plus Hamas political militants who insist on destroying Israel. Both are
obviously deal breakers for the Americans and Israelis.
But despite the efforts of Abbas' Fatah party and Hamas, as well as
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who hosted the reconciliation
talks in Cairo, the chances of peace between the two factions are remote
for numerous reasons. Indeed, since 2007, when Hamas seized Gaza and
expelled Fatah, the two enemies have announced at least six unity agreements before this one, all of which failed.
No wonder. Leadership of the two factions hate each other almost as much as
they hate Israel. Abbas recently cut off payments to Hamas for fuel
and medical supplies, as well as salaries for Palestinian Authority (PA)
employees in Gaza. Fuel shortages cut operations of Gaza's power plants, so
residents had electricity only a few hours a day, and Gaza's offline sewage
filtration plants had taken to dumping waste into the sea. Some medical
patients died awaiting visas from the PA.
In the wake of this latest reconciliation effort—futile as it
seems—Israel's security cabinet has made it abundantly clear that
negotiations with the Palestinians will never proceed unless:
• Hamas recognizes Israel and desists from terrorism
• Hamas, which currently has 30,000 men under arms, must be disarmed
• The Palestinian Authority must assume full security control in Gaza
• The PA will continue to act against Hamas terror activities in Judea
• Hamas will sever all ties with Iran
• Funds and humanitarian equipment will continue to flow into Gaza
only through the PA
• Israeli fallen soldiers and civilians held by Hamas must be
We should also point out that hundreds of millions of dollars in U.S. aid would be automatically
cut off in the event of a Palestinian unity government that included Hamas, a
faction designated by the U.S. State Department as a terrorist
Unsurprisingly, both Hamas and Fatah leaders issued statements last week
assuring the world that neither group would ever recognize the
Unfortunately for these would-be "peacemakers," antipathy for Israel is one
of only a few key issues the two groups agree on. This week's FLAME Hotline featured article (below) succinctly outlines some of the greatest political and cultural antagonisms that block
reconciliation between the two warring factions.
The writer, Hillel Frisch, Senior Fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for
Strategic Studies think tank, focuses on what is likely the most profound and persistent reason Hamas and Fatah will not
unite—the Religious-Secular Divide.
Frisch's explanation of the conflict between the "bearded ones" and the
"clean-shaven" will help you understand why a Hamas-Fatah
reconciliation is ultimately unthinkable.
Please review this insightful article, then please also take a quick minute
also to review the P.S. below and click on the link to review FLAME's
latest hasbarah effort, if you haven't done so yet. It discusses
the most villainous of U.N. agencies, the UNHRC.
President, Facts and Logic About the Middle East (FLAME)
The U.N. Human Rights Council—already one of the most despicable
anti-Semitic U.N. agencies—recently nominated 16 new members, including
seven that U.N. Human Rights Watch deems unqualified for their poor human rights records: Afghanistan,
Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo, Malaysia, Nigeria, Pakistan and
Qatar. The UNHRC has long been a forum for oppressive regimes to pass judgments on Israel, and this
new crop of members is certain to continue that practice. The Middle East's
only democracy and truly a light unto nations in so many ways, Israel
suffers more condemnations by the UNHRC than all other nations together. In
just the last year, the UNHRC passed twice as many resolutions against
Israel as against North Korea and Syria combined. In order to make
Americans—especially college and university students—aware of this
injustice, FLAME has just produced and will soon publish a new position
paper: "Exit the U.N. Human Rights Council
." This paid editorial will appear in magazines and newspapers, including
college newspapers, with a combined readership of some 10 million people.
In addition, it is being sent to every member of the U.S. Congress and
President Trump. If you agree that this kind of public relations effort on
Israel's behalf is critical, I urge you to support us. Remember: FLAME's
powerful ability to influence public opinion—and U.S. support of
Israel—comes from individuals like you, one by one. I hope you'll consider
giving a donation now, as you're able—with $500, $250, $100, or even $18.
(Remember, your donation to FLAME is tax deductible.) To donate online,
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donate now. Now more than ever we need your support to ensure that the American
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Hamas security has beards, Fatah doesn't: Why real PA unity won't happen.
Some things cannot be compromised on.
By Hillel Frisch, Jerusalem Post, October 17, 2017
The conflict between Fatah and Hamas boils down to beards;
to theocratic and nationalist ideals. Only a showdown can decide between
Hamas and Fatah rule, with one side totally victorious and the other
totally defeated, and it is doubtful that Fatah can muster the strength to
make a bid for true power in Gaza.
Politics takes many forms. Often, it is exceedingly complex and
unpredictable no matter how small the political issue at hand.
Sometimes, the political situation, as large as it may be, is
extraordinarily simple. Whereas resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian
problem is characterized by complexity, the dynamics of internal partition
and disunity between the PA and Hamas in Gaza is characterized by
The conflict between the PA and Hamas boils down to beards. Hamas security
personnel—both its "army" and personnel in the various security agencies
controlled by its Interior Ministry, including the blue-force police—are
almost always bearded. One can safely assume that the few personnel who
aren't bearded shave for health reasons.
On the other hand, the PA's security personnel—which Hamas often deprecates as the "Dayton" forces, so named after the
first US general to train them-sport no beards.
"Dayton" is used as a term of deprecation, because it suggests that these
forces serve the interests of the US and of course Israel, "America's
As most indigenous Middle Easterners know, being bearded as a member of a
security force is hardly a question of fashion but rather reflects the most
burning issue in Middle East politics. A bearded security officer means
that the political entity he serves is or aspires to be a theocratic state.
A non-bearded member of an official security force means that the state he
serves is "nationalist" or secular and most certainly anti-theocratic.
The distinction is (pardon the pun) razor sharp and of long pedigree. The
leader who most contributed to this law of politics in the Middle East is
arguably the greatest leader in the modern Middle East—Mustafa Kemal, or
Kemal Ataturk. He was also the most secular.
To the horror of the contemporary Muslim world at the time,
he abolished the caliphate almost a century ago and adopted a
French-inspired constitution that separated strictly between mosque and
state (The Ottoman Sultanate he abolished strictly combined the two).
Needless to say, no leader in the Middle East has dared to do the same.
What all the non-theocratic regimes adopted with a vengeance from Kemal's
Turkish Republic was the rule that no man in a security-related uniform
could ever wear a beard. In Egypt, the military personnel have no beards.
In Syria, Algeria and Tunisia it is the same. It is hardly surprising that
the PA, the aspiring Palestinian "nationalist" state, has strictly enforced
Just as in the "nationalist" states security personnel never wear beards,
in Middle East theocracies they always wear beards.
Just Google "photos of security forces in the Islamic Republic of Iran"
and then search the same for security forces during the reign of the shah
to see the results. The Hamas government, an aspiring theocracy (at least
until many of its tunnels were destroyed by Egypt and Israel and its monies
dried up), follows the Iranian example.
This is not to say, of course, that the security forces of Egypt or the PA
Nothing could be further from the truth. One of the most important perks
for senior officers in the Egyptian army is a subsidized pilgrimage to
Mecca. The PA security organizations also have their chaplains and mosques,
and participation in religious rites is common.
But there is a big difference. The beards in Hamas are indoctrinated by
Hamas preachers who essentially control the "Directorate of Political Moral
Guidance," the indoctrination arm of the Interior Ministry and security
forces. The equivalent institution within the PA's security complex is
controlled by Fatah nationalists. The former teach the virtues of Sharia
law and of serving Islam. The latter teach the virtues of serving the
state, its leader and the citizenry.
Even absenting the crucial religious element, the PA/Fatah-Hamas
is a bitter zero-sum game. In yielding to the PA under Egyptian pressure to
allow Rami Hamdallah's Fatah-dominated government to operate and its
security forces to take over the "international" crossings into Egypt and
Israel, Hamas is at risk. What Hamas did to the PA security forces in 2007
(such as throwing them off rooftops), could yet be visited upon Hamas at
some time in the future.
Add to this the searing tensions between those bent on theocracy and those
who will have no part of it, and the prospects of true Hamas-Fatah unity
are negligible, bordering on non-existent.
A recent example of the failure of cohabitation of the two strands of
thought and conviction may be found in Egypt during the "Arab Spring." It
was clear from the beginning to the Egyptian army and other segments of the
"deep state" that the Muslim Brotherhood must be confronted at all costs.
It was president Mohammed Morsi who wavered.
The choice was stark and the episode ended in zero-sum fashion with
President Abdel Fattah Sisi emerging all-powerful, and Morsi locked in
In revolutionary Iran, the cards were stacked the other way
and the outcome was far bloodier. The losers were executed, not jailed.
The common denominator in these two conflicts is that one side was totally
victorious and the other totally defeated.
Only a similar showdown in Gaza can decide between PA and Hamas rule. But
it is doubtful whether the Fatah-led PA can muster the strength to make a
true bid for absolute power, and even more unlikely that it will win a