November 23, 2004
Dear
Friend of FLAME:
While Yasir Arafat's death has raised some hopes for a renewed peace
process in the Middle East, the reality on the ground is much less
promising. Before the U.S., Britain and the European Union renew their
pressure on Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians, let's
take a sober look at the considerable obstacles to peace and the costs
of appeasement. Moderates are the weakest faction among the Palestinian
nationalists and they have no charismatic leader who can control terrorists
like Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Most importantly, a majority of Palestinians,
and certainly the hardliners in Arafat's Fatah movement, still cling
to the fantasy that they can defeat Israel and replace it with an
Arab/Islamic state. Many hardliners support the popular, but convicted
and jailed terrorist, Marwan Barghouti, and could conceivably elect
him as Arafat's successor. The article below, by Barry Rubin, outlines
this troubling situation and its critical challenges. Rubin is director
of the Global Research in International Relations (GLORIA) Center,
editor of the Middle East Review of International Affairs (MERIA)
journal, editor of Turkish Studies and co-author of "Yasir
Arafat: A Political Biography."
Jim Sinkinson
Director, FLAME
By Barry Rubin,
The Jerusalem Post, November 16, 2004
The split among Palestinians makes the prospect of peace or
progress unlikely.
Despite the frequently heard claim that, post-Arafat, a moderate Palestinian
trend offers an opportunity for advancing peace, the Palestinian reality
is one of division and radical veto power. Palestinians are split
by many competing ambitions and multiple factions. Among the nationalists
there are three main groupings:
The moderates. By far the weakest, this faction has three well-known
figures: Abu Mazen (Mahmoud Abbas), the new head of the PLO; Abu Ala
(Ahmed Qurei), the prime minister, and Muhammad Dahlan, leader of
a Gaza militia that is powerful but has little organization and few
supporters.
A pragmatic point of view is unpopular among activists who have been
indoctrinated to glorify violence, hate Israel, and define moderation
as treason. The best strategy for the moderates would be to win over
the dozen security services that resent young Fatah terrorists and
Hamas as competitors. Another sector they could court would be Palestinian
Authority bureaucrats and technocrats who want quiet to do their jobs
and make money.
Finally, moderates could appeal to average Palestinians who are tired
of violence. But they are not politically sophisticated or organized
enough to pursue that strategy. They also face the movement's dominant
ideology, which still hinges on Israel's destruction, and the men
with guns.
They have no charismatic leader, are heretics to the Islamists, and
will be seen as puppets of Israel and America. Consequently, they
are likely to survive by not doing much. They know it is in the Palestinians'
interest to end terrorism against Israel - but how? Attempts to prevent
Hamas or their Fatah attacks will be laughed at, ignored, or bring
violent retaliation.
The old hard-liners. These veteran Fatah officials see no reason
to change their view that the only acceptable outcome is a Palestinian
state in place of Israel. They will allow no compromise solution that
would foreclose that objective, and demand a total return of refugees
to ensure Israel's destruction from within.
Their best-known leader is Farouk Kadoumi, the new head of Fatah,
and they have a big majority in Fatah. But since Abu Mazen and Abu
Ala come from this group, the faction backs them as figureheads to
project a moderate view to the world and maintain a united front of
veterans against the younger radicals and the Islamists.
Fatah is now the most important power center. The PLO is a shadow
organization that supposedly represents but has no control over the
refugee communities in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, or other places more
sympathetic to a hard line. Thus the old hard-liners will go along
with Abu Mazen and Abu Ala holding high posts as long as they don't
actually do anything. Fatah will maintain a veto over all policies,
blocking any real progress toward a peace agreement.
The young hard-liners. These are Fatah militants whose formative
political experience comes from terrorist and underground activities
in the late 1970s-early 1980s. Best-known is Marwan Barghouti, currently
serving multiple life sentences in an Israeli jail for terrorist activities,
and its main structures include the terrorist Aksa Martyrs Brigade
- now calling themselves "Brigades of Martyr Yasser Arafat"
- and the grassroots Fatah Tanzim group.
Barghouti was the main architect of the post-2000 intifada, acting
to position himself as Arafat's most loyal disciple, supplanting Dahlan
in that role. Ironically, he was an earlier ferocious critic of Arafat,
doing everything possible to block him.
The young hard-liners believe armed struggle solves all problems and
there is no need for political compromise because they will drive
Israel out of the territories. They are ready to fight on for decades,
reincarnating Arafat's world view. By announcing his run for PA chief,
Barghouti is trying to seize the leadership - a clever stratagem that
could lead to countries demanding Israel release him from jail because
he is now a "politician." (Israel's refusal will lead to
it being accused, falsely, of blocking Palestinian democracy and peace.)
Barghouti puts still another constraint on moderates by demonstrating
the militant forces' power, and he could even win. Unlike his elders,
Barghouti has no compunction about allying himself with Hamas. And
if that alliance took over the PA, any hope of peace would be gone
for a very long time. Hamas will not run candidates in the election,
which it says validates the Oslo Accords. But many Hamas supporters
will vote. Preferring Barghouti, they could spring an unpleasant surprise
for their rivals.
There is still much confusion, including the possibility that elections
will not be held. Already, though, it can be seen that the post-Arafat
situation is going to be very difficult, with Palestinian leaders
unable to create a government for the Gaza Strip following an Israeli
withdrawal.
Like their late leader, Arafat's heirs may win some international
public relations victories. But getting a state or improving their
people's welfare - much less defeating Israel - may elude them for
many years.