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January 24, 2012

Killing Iranian Nuclear Scientists May Be the Best Hope for Stopping the Mullahs

Dear Friend of FLAME:

Nuclear physics is dangerous work in Iran these days. As you recall, a few weeks ago the Iranian nuclear scientist Mostafa Ahmadi Roshan was assasinated in a car bomb attack in Teheran. The U.S. State Department quickly condemned the killing and disavowed any involvement.

While the U.S. has no qualms about assasinating al Qaeda operatives in Pakistan using drones, for some reason it draws a line at killing those working on putting nuclear weapons in the hands of fanatical Islamist mullahs who have vowed to turn Israel into a radioactive parking lot.

As is its habit, Israel made no claims or denials about the targeted killing.

Of course, some on the left, like Salon's Glenn Greenwald, have gone so far as to label such targeted killings terrorism. This, of course, is some kind of perverse political correctness gone out of orbit.

Iran is the world's leading state sponsor of terrorism---starting with its support of Hizbollah, Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Its president has threatened to wipe Israel off the map. And according to the International Atomic Energy Agency, since 2003 "Iran has carried out activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device." It is the Iranian scientists who assist this effort who are the criminals, and since the stakes are existential---life and death---it would seem eminently justifiable to target those scientists.

This week's FLAME Hotline makes the argument that such covert campaigns are the best and only way to stop Iran from proceeding with its murderous nuclear plans. Certainly covert obstacles such as the Stuxnet virus and killings of key nuclear scientists give added power to a) diplomatic and sanction efforts of the U.S. and Western Europe and b) to the threat of military retaliation by Israel or the U.S.

One thing is clear: Iran's leaders must be made to understand that the U.S., Israel, Europe and the rest of world, including, increasingly, China, will flatly not accept Iran's development of nuclear weapons.

The convincing article below not only defends the assassination of Roshan, but suggests that more such attacks should be considered. You'll find it provides useful ammunition when talking with those who believe in a non-threatening approach to Iran.

Best regards,

Jim Sinkinson
Vice President, FLAME


Let's face it: The Palestinians have created a set of false myths that the media and the political left love to embrace, and Israel usually comes out looking like the bad guy. But FLAME is committed to attacking these lies---every one of them---in its published hasbarah (clarifying) messages. In fact we invite you to preview our next position paper, which will appear in national media reaching more than 10 million readers, including college newspapers. It's called "Do Jews Have the Right to a State in the Holy Land? The question is not whether the Palestinians are an 'invented people,' but rather why Arabs deny Jewish history and Jewish rights to a state in Israel." Please take an advance look, and if you agree that these kinds of outspoken public relations efforts for Israel are essential, I urge you to support us. Remember: FLAME's ability to influence public opinion comes from individuals like you, one by one. I hope you'll consider giving a donation now, as you're able---with $500, $250, $100, or even $18. (Remember, your donation to FLAME is tax deductible.) To donate online, just go to Now more than ever we need your support to ensure that Israel gets the support it needs---from the U.S. Congress, from President Obama, and from the American people.


In last week's FLAME Hotline, the article by Belladonna Rogers, reprinted from stated that the Palestinian Liberation Organization and the West Bank lay to the west of Israel, when of course they are east of Israel and west of Jordan. Thanks to several sharp readers who brought this error to our attention.

A Covert Campaign Is the Only Way to Stop Iran's Nuclear Ambitions
The death of another Iranian scientist has led to criticism of such actions, but Tehran's refusal to co-operate leaves little alternative

By Andrew Cummings,, January 12, 2012-01-21

As yet another Iranian scientist becomes the victim of increasingly bold and creative attempts to disrupt and delay the Iranian nuclear programme, commentators around the world have lined up to point out the risks to this audacious approach.

It is true . . . that whoever is doing this risks profound consequences for the region. What many people fail to recognise, though, is that a covert campaign, while rife with physical, diplomatic and legal risks, is the lesser of many evils.

No one should doubt that the west (and Israel) desire a negotiated settlement to Iran's nuclear programme. The Stuxnet virus, mysterious explosions at military bases and the James Bond-esque antics of motorcycle assassins have taken up many column inches, while less has been written about the efforts of the E3+3 (China, France, Germany, Russia, the UK and US) to reach a diplomatic solution.

Since 2003, western powers, working closely with their often-resistant Russian and Chinese counterparts, have kept the door open to Iran to negotiate. This has been despite continual provocation, whether in the form of secret enrichment facilities such as the one outside Qom or in Iran's bellicose pronouncements regarding enrichment.

The E3+3 continues to hold out a generous offer to Iran: give up your military programme that even the International Atomic Energy Agency has expressed concern about and receive economic investment and a properly safeguarded modern civil nuclear programme. That would be a good deal in most people's eyes.

A military campaign is one alternative to a diplomatic solution. The debate around the pros and cons is unlikely to reduce any time soon. Meir Dagan, Israel's former spy chief, has been one notable voice sounding caution, with the US Republican presidential candidate Rick Santorum at the opposite end of the spectrum, preparing to fuel US fighter jets if he becomes the US's next commander in chief.

Many commentators argue that supporters of a covert campaign see it as an alternative to war. They warn that covert action will ruin chances of dialogue with Tehran while encouraging Iran to use its own covert operations. What this fails to recognise is that Iran has long been the master of covert operations.

Through the Revolutionary Guards (IRGC), Iran has been responsible for increasing the efficacy of insurgent improvised bombs in both Iraq and Afghanistan. It has helped to prop up Bashar al-Assad's murderous regime in Syria and has a track record of attempting to assassinate or imprison its enemies – both at home and abroad.

Instead of damaging the chances of dialogue, covert action might actually do the opposite. All those who have been involved in negotiating with Iran understand the difficulties involved. Iran's leaders continue to see the Islamic Republic through its long and rich history as a regional and world power rather than through its modern reality as an isolated pariah state with a weak economy that oppresses its brave citizens while rigging "democratic" elections. As a result, the supreme leader has consistently refused to allow his negotiators to engage in a meaningful dialogue. Instead, Iran has held out the prospect of talks while more often than not refusing to even put the nuclear issue on the agenda. The E3+3, in their desire to keep the door open, have accepted these talks, but have never seen any fruits from their labour.

The one notable exception to this was in October 2003, when, surrounded by hundreds of thousands of US troops in Afghanistan and Iraq, and having seen its closest neighbour toppled, the supreme leader authorised the signing of the Tehran declaration. This agreement with the UK, France and Germany led to the temporary suspension of Iran's uranium enrichment and demonstrated that, when faced with an existential threat to the regime, Iran was willing to deal.

What followed, however, was an uprising in Iraq (assisted by Tehran), stalemate in Afghanistan (assisted by Tehran) and a reduction in pressure as the international community focused on other issues, believing the problem was being solved.

To deliver a negotiated settlement needs a comprehensive strategy. Covert action, increasingly robust sanctions, along with a credible threat of military action remain one half of the E3+3's dual-track strategy of pressure and engagement that was recently restated by the British foreign secretary. Covert action carries risks, but does not impact on the brave Iranian people that the Iranian authorities continually oppress.

Covert action creates the time and space for pressure to build, while reducing the need for military action. Ultimately, covert action should be aimed at bringing enough pressure to bear on Iran's leaders so that they understand they will never reach their goal of being a nuclear power. It is only at that point diplomacy can have any hope of success.

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